Nagas Share Their Struggle, Concerns | Sinlung

Nagas Share Their Struggle, Concerns | Sinlung

All Peace Loving People of Bangalore

You are cordially invited for the Naga Buffet (Contributory@ Rs 250) on 29th October 2010 at All Saints' Campus, No. 1, Hosur Road (Friday) from 8:00 to 10:00pm. Come and enjoy the exotic delicacies of the Nagas.

Kindly honour us by your presence on 30th October 2010 at the Public Meeting 'JOIN THE NAGA JOURNEY FOR PEACE' to be held at Bishop Cotton Boys School Auditorium, St. Marks Road, Bangalore.

Saturday, 30th October 2010
4.30 pm-5.00pm : Sales of Arts and Crafts

5.00pm : Naga Cultural Programme (Naga Music with well Known Choirs from Bangalore)

5.00pm : Panel Discussion on Indo-Naga Peace Process (Panelists Includes leaders of the Naga Civil Society, Nagaland)

RSVP: 9916567827 / 9845535421

Promoting Peace Education in Nagaland

Naga society has suffered the vicissitudes brought about by the decades of conflict. One of the most pronounced casualties has been the destruction of trust and goodwill. If one takes these observations seriously, working for peace is the most important task and the need of the hour.  This is so, because of the common search for peace today that administrators, teachers and students have to draw inspiration and hope in Gandhi who is the model of peace in the 21st century that. Gandhi observed that, peace is rooted in love of God or love of truth. Gandhi said ‘my greatest weapon is mute prayer’. The cause of peace is therefore, in God’s good hands. When one talks about promoting nonviolence in the Gandhian sense, it has a strong religious foundation. Peace is the only way and hope for a shared humanity in the 21st century.

Gandhi’s understanding of truth, nonviolence, love and human interdependence serve as indispensable resources in the struggle for peace in the world. The purpose of education is to form nonviolent holistic personalities and help develop capacities of self-independence and cooperation. A Gandhian analysis added. ‘If we don’t teach our children peace, someone else will teach them violence. Being a true student today means striving to be a peace-student; peace is the only way and hope for securing a shared humanity in the 21st century.” Gandhi said “There is no way to peace, but peace is the only way.”

This shared consciousness for peace is neither a sentimental slogan nor a fashionable political programme. But it is based on a conscious, genuine and systematic effort to infuse the values of nonviolence and peace all over the world. In one’s struggle to chart a future based on the value of peace, a Gandhian understanding of truth, nonviolence, love and human interdependence can help in explaining the violent situations as well as to develop a nonviolent alternative. In Gandhi’s understanding, truth, nonviolence, love and human interdependence cannot be separated.  

Gandhi speaks of nonviolence as satyagraha, literally, holding onto truth or being. Satyagraha is the nonviolent search for truth which Gandhi calls the most powerful force in the universe. According to Gandhi, violence has no religion.  Nonviolence is mightier than the mightiest weapon of destruction devised by the ingenuity of human beings. Therefore, ahimsa is not passive resistance, as many understand it to be, but it is a conscious decision to do no harm to anyone. In fact, for Gandhi, nonviolence is not for cowards but for those who are brave. We need to note that truth and nonviolence are inseparable. As Gandhi himself explains, Ahimsa is not the goal, but added that truth is the goal. So there’s no means of realizing truth in human relationships except through the practice of ahimsa. So understanding of truth and ahimsa is directly linked to his view of human being interdependence. Humanity is indivisible and every human being is responsible to and for others. Gandhi states that “Since human beings were are interdependent, the good society should discourage all forms of exploitation, domination, injustice and inequality, which necessarily coarsen human sensibilities… and find ways of institutionalizing and nurturing the spirit of love, truthfulness, social service, cooperation and solidarity. In other words, cooperation and interdependence is the manifestation of nonviolence.

For Gandhi, love of God and love of the opponent is the elements that bind truth, nonviolence, and human interdependence. Pursuit of nonviolence is not possible without charity or love. This love is about the feeling of the opponent. Does today’s education promote values of truth, nonviolence, love and human interdependence? As one lives in a world where there is very little room for pursuing and securing truth. There is no need to mention that the society and human relationships are conditioned by hatred, mistrust and divisions, instead of love and respect. Valued of human interdependence and cooperation has been swallowed up by search for individual security and competition in the society. One cannot talk about peace without truth….protection of being, good; against all forms of falsehood, peace loves our enemies.  

Gandhi recognized the relationship between peace and education.  We cannot promote peace unless we socialize and educate children in the values of peace. According to Gandhi, “if we are to teach real peace in this world, and if we are to carry on a real war against war, we shall have to begin with our children. This means that peace-oriented behaviors and attitudes can be institutionalized, learned and infused in the schools and colleges. Gandhi advocates that education is a highly moral activity and its purpose is to form nonviolent holistic persons, rather than concentrating on one aspect. From Gandhi’s nonviolent perspective education should develop capacities of self-independence, love, truthfulness, social service, cooperation and solidarity. Education should promote the centrality of work as well as productive Manual labor, to focus on real needs and simple living, and the development of nonviolent.

Gandhian analysis of the modern educational system would mean that the system is a huge producer of violence. Many would not think that schools-colleges and classroom teaching as violent, but Gandhi argued that normal school and college education are very violent because of so many reasons. First, modern education has increasingly become commoditized, corporative, individualistic and socially irresponsible in many ways. One sees education of children as something that is worth investing; a college degree as a means for securing a job, economic security, and social standing rather than viewing it as a tool for social transformation. Education is an end that one wants to use for competing, controlling and exploiting other human beings and of nature. The educational system may promote egoistic desires, attachments, selfishness, and aggressive and violent relations. It may also pay a little attention to development of care, love, compassion, selfless service, and other forms of peace and nonviolence. Therefore, from a Gandhian perspective, an education system that produces fierce completion, anxiety, selfishness is a violent method that produces failed experiments in truth. Other examples include: sexual violence, racial violence.

One effective means for countering violence in schools and colleges is to teach live and peace. Peace is in one’s hands, it just takes education. By teaching peace, one can work to counter the violence, spark the conscience, and liberate the thinking of the mind and by ignoring and forgetting to teach peace, violence is being promoted. This is why peace education matters a lot.  

In 1942, Gandhi gave the following talk to a group of teachers and students: ‘A teacher, who establishes rapport with the taught, becomes one with them, and learns more from them than he teaches them. He who learns nothing from his disciples is, in my opinion, worthless. I take from him more than I give him. In this way, a true teacher regards himself as a student of his students. If you will teach your pupils with this attitude, you will benefit much from them.’

Being a true student today means striving to be a peace-student, so what does it mean to be a peace student? It means that one can be a Gandhian student in Nagaland if he resolves not to promote any form of violence. It means not getting involved in promoting hatred of other tribes or races. It also means deciding not to abuse others. It also means de-conditioning ego-driven selfishness and greed. It means replacing fear, aggression, and other violent intentions with nonviolent behavior and relationships.

Sources: Dr. Pangernungba
Lecturer at CTC

News Link:

http://www.morungexpress.com/regional/56862.html

Naga Reconciliation: From despondency to concrete hope

After thirty years of internecine fights between the various Naga underground groups, there appears to be a silver lining in the dark clouds of factional clashes as the “Naga Reconciliation: A Journey of Common Hope” continues to make headways.

The ‘Journey’ spurred by the “Covenant of Reconciliation” finally found consummation in the “September 18 Summit,” where top leaders of the three Naga political groups –GPRN/NSCN, NNC/FGN and NSCN/GPRN – issued a joint declaration stating that they are "reconciled" based on the "Historical and Political rights of the Nagas."

Signatories of the joint declaration including NSCN/GPRN Ato Kilonser (general secretary) Th. Muivah, GPRN/NSCN Ato kilonser Kitovi Zhimomi and NNC/FGN Kedaghe (president) ‘Brig.’ (Retd) S Singnya, also committed themselves to working out differences as outlined in the “Covenant of Reconciliation” (CoR) and “cessation of all forms of hostilities including any territorial expansion.” 

The much-awaited “highest level meeting” (September 18 Summit) held in Dimapur came about after more than two years of relentless ground works by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) and Joint Working Group (JWG) of the three Naga political groups and unceasing prayers of Naga churches and public.

Earlier on June 13, 2009, NSCN/GPRN chairman Isak Chishi Swu, GPRN/NSCN chairman SS Khaplang and NNC/FGN president S Singnya signed the “historic” “Covenant of Reconciliation,” solemnly committing themselves to “Naga Reconciliation and forgiveness,” and resolved to “continue to work together in the spirit of love, non-violence, peace and respect.” 

The FNR described the signing of the CoR as the cornerstone of “unfolding a new era for the Nagas,” and that it had opened vistas of access to free movement among the signatories of the Covenant and provided the avenue for free dialogue among them.

“It is a Magna Carta of the people resolving the past through forgiveness and wielding the future in respect of common humanity and common political identity,” FNR convenor Rev. Dr. Wati Aier said in one of the public meetings. With fruition of the summit, expectations are high and in the words of FNR, the summit signals the "beginning of a new era of bright hope for the Nagas."

"From despondency, the Journey of Common Hope is emerging with concrete hope towards the future. We are humbled and profoundly mindful of God's faithfulness all through the journey—a journey sometimes filled with fear and hopelessness," the FNR said at a press briefing a day after the summit.

Several organizations, over-ground political parties and leaders and churches both within Naga areas and abroad have hailed the breakthrough summit and said that this has given a new hope for an end to decades of hatred, bitterness and bloodshed among the Naga groups.

Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) congratulated the FNR and Naga political groups for the “epoch-making summit.”  NBCC in a press statement expressed optimism that the political leaders would be able to weather difficulties and reach the objective of “a unified Naga voice.”

Likewise, the Council of Naga Baptist Churches (CNBC) said that “Nagas are one and our commonalities are far greater than our differences... Reconciliation and unity is the key to bring about common hope and dreams, our common vision and aspirations into reality.” 

Terming the September 18 summit as “a red letter day” in the annals of Naga political history, the apex tribal organization Naga Hoho said “a ray of hope surfaced when re-conciliation process was launched by the FNR under leadership of Rev. Dr Wati Aier." 

The Hoho also appealed to other Naga groups yet to join the re-conciliation process, to renew their vision and tolerance and partake in the “nation building process.” Similar comments have also poured in from other tribal organizations of Naga-inhabited areas. Over-ground political parties in Nagaland including the ruling NPF government, the opposition Congress and leaders have also acknowledged the FNR and JWG for striving to bring reconciliation, peace and unity.

The Baptist World Alliance (BWA) and other churches abroad also lauded the reconciliation efforts of the FNR. "We are greatly encouraged by the recent news coming out of the September Summit in Dimapur," read a letter sent to the FNR by BWA General Secretary Neville Callam and director of Freedom and Justice Raimundo Barreto. 

"We appreciate the symbolism of this covenant, and the impact it might have among the Naga people. We also understand that any process of reconciliation and healing needs to be nurtured every day. We urge those who signed the covenant to remain committed to this reconciliation as it will make a lasting impact in the lives of their people," the letter added.

Backdrop of internecine conflict

More than 60 years after Nagas first revolted against the Government of India in 1947 and the 1951 Naga Plebiscite where 99.9 % Nagas reportedly voted to choose their own destiny, the Naga political issue still continues to elude a final solution. An inevitable outcome of the protracted political struggle formerly under the banner of the Naga National Council (NNC), led to differences of opinions among the insurgent leaders leading to creation of new groups and split within the NNC.

The 1975 Shillong Accord where some representatives of the Naga underground organizations agreed to unconditionally accept the Constitution of India, was another turning point in the Naga struggle. A section of insurgent leaders who opposed the accord left the NNC and formed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) in 1980.

Again, in 1988, the NSCN split to form two factions namely the NSCN (I-M) led by Isak Chishi Swu and Th. Muivah and NSCN (K) led by SS Khaplang and Kitovi Zhimomi. The NNC also split into three groups.

This led to internecine fighting and the factional clashes, especially between the rival NSCNs, have cost hundreds of lives including civilians and brought untold misery to the Naga populace. Numerous efforts in the past by civil society and the Church to stop infighting among the Naga groups have yielded little results. Perhaps, such missions in the past failed due to lack of insight, commitment and courage to address the core issues of the internecine conflict.

Now a ray of hope has emerged

It all began with a humble journey undertaken by the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in February 2008, with an appeal for reconciliation among the various Naga political groups, based on the “historical and political rights of the Nagas.”

A surmountable task given past lessons, members of the forum from diverse backgrounds led by Rev. Dr. Wati Aier met with the different groups and tried to convince their leaders of the futility of internecine killings and turf wars, as Naga history has shown that there no victors in such wars.

FNR also impressed upon the groups the need for struggling people to be united in purpose and how internal differences have weakened the Naga cause and that it was high time to adopt the biblical lesson of “turning swords into ploughshares.” 

Slowly and by degrees, FNR earned the confidence of the three main groups - NSCN (IM), NSCN (K) and NNC/FGN – and in a significant achievement, the top leaders of the three groups signed the “Covenant of Reconciliation.” 

A joint working group (JWG) consisting of four members from each group was also constituted with the main task of facilitating a meeting of top Naga leaders of the three groups. The FNR and JWG members also toured Naga inhabited areas of Nagaland and Manipur under the banner “Naga Reconciliation: A journey of common hope” and interacted with the public, seeking their advice and suggestions on Naga reconciliation and unity.

Another unique approach of the FNR to foster oneness was the soccer matches organized earlier in Kohima and Dimapur. In these matches, a combined team of members from the three groups played against FNR and civil society.

 (The above report is part of media fellowship for the 2010-2011 cycle of Panos South Asia's plural media and peace building in Northeast India)

News link: 

http://www.morungexpress.com/analysis/56495.html

The Naga journey of common hope: The way forward - E T Sunup

The hard work put in by FNR, the courage and vision of the Naga national leadership, and Divine favour facilitated by prayers of many around the world, which culminated in reaffirmation of the ‘Covenant of Reconciliation’ on September 18, 2010, on Naga home soil, has both synergised the difficult Naga journey with some desperately needed rays of light on an otherwise gloomy road, and also infused a rather tiresome 13-year long dialogue engagement with a healthy dose of elixir.

On the other side of the Table:
Advantage Delhi:    
As long as the Naga national Organisations remained at loggerheads with one another, Delhi had a strong, valid point to keep asking for ‘unity’ on the Naga front as a prerequisite condition to be worked on first, before the much anticipated settlement dialogue could get into ‘more substantive’ issues, and thereby, in the meantime, secure critical time on its side to gradually edge towards tactical advantage,- such as, for instance: (i)  trying to mellow down the sharp edges on the dialogue engagement process;
(ii) allowing sufficient time to feel the diametrical difference by the Naga public between a peaceful, normal atmosphere and the abnormal situation of prolonged disruptive violence they had suffered over the years, so that public support for peace gets stronger and more vocal; (iii) mapping out the ins and outs of the strategies, strengths and weaknesses of the opposite camp for use in the dialogue process and exploitation in the event of a total collapse of the ‘peace process’; (iv) work on making more effective anti-militancy arrangements with neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal, Bhutan;
(v) boost up the strike capability of the security forces in sensitive areas through detailed planning in case the need should arise, and so on. Also, during the 13-year period, Delhi’s gradual emergence as a global power, cementing of stronger ties with the West and deterrence capability build-up has rendered far more remote the possibility of some foreign power directly intervening in the affairs of Naga politics. Viewed from this perspective, the 13-year long stretch of protracted dialogue engagement has been to Delhi’s considerable advantage. Now, however, that there has been a breakthrough on reconciliation at the very top level of Naga national leadership, the way forward is set on much more solid and stable ground.

Constraints of Real Politick:
India has great leaders with vision, understanding, moral integrity and courage. Many of them have recognised and acknowledged the uniqueness of the Naga political issue. However, look at the highly mixed baggage that is Indian politics today! In the kind of democratic polity that India is, every leader’s public posturing and decision making in crunch-time politicking is severely regulated and dictated by the count of numbers, both in the ballot box as also, eventually, in the two Houses of Parliament. No leader would dare dissociate himself or herself from this reality except at the cost of one’s own political peril. Also, no Indian political party or Central Government would plunge into  national security and integrity related risks, howsoever genuine, at the possibility of its own demise. Extreme strategic importance of States like J&K, Nagaland and some other North Eastern States to India’s defence and national security interests requires no emphasis. Expect Delhi to, therefore, stonewall and fight tooth and nail against any proposition for any of those strategic States including Nagaland to break away completely from the Indian Union. Keeping the ‘historical and political rights of the Nagas’ in perspective, a fundamental question then becomes inevitable: ‘If Delhi’s concern for a peaceful, secure North-East is truly serious enough, would it also then have the vision, determination and courage  to go the extra mile to articulate a political arrangement with the Naga national leaders that is realistically ‘honourable and acceptable enough’ to all concerned?’ The reality is that without some concessions on one’s own rigid stand and reciprocal accommodation of the other side’s points of view, no final resolution is expected to be forthcoming. A rigid stand by both or either side could only mean a certain collapse of the on-going ‘peace process’ and a return to violent conflict.

In Perspective:    
Certain undeniable facts can be recalled while trying to put the issue in proper perspective:
•    The Naga national movement commenced and the Naga desire to be left alone in their own age-old traditional ways of life when the British left colonial India was expressed clearly much before India’s independence on 15th August, 1947.
•    Creation of Nagaland State which eventually  caused a chain reaction, changing forever the political landscape of North-East India was a by-product of the Naga national movement. Had there not been a Naga national movement, Nagaland State would not have been created and would have remained as a hill district of Assam. But, rather than extinguish it, creation of Nagaland State on sheer political considerations only enflamed the Naga national movement to greater intensity.
•    In Delhi’s effort to crush Naga militancy, unimaginable atrocities of different kinds committed on innocent Naga villages, men, women and children by the Indian security forces have been documented by various research writers. If pursued seriously enough, there could be sufficient ground to take many of those cases to the International Court of Justice for prosecution of the concerned perpetrators for commission of heinous crimes against humanity. Such cases of inhuman treatment suffered by the Nagas have been silenced, blind-folded and ‘legalised’ through various undemocratic and draconian laws framed under different Acts like,’ The Assam Maintenance of Public Order Act’, ‘Assam Disturbed Area Act’, ‘Nagaland Security Act’, ‘AFSPA’, which in effect could be termed as State sponsored terrorism unleashed on innocent people in the name of fighting militancy. Has all this succeeded in ‘killing’ the Naga national movement?
•    Historical developments have clearly proven the fact that post-creation of Nagaland State, and since formation and surrender of the Revolutionary Government and subsequent signing of the capitulation Accord of 1975 at Shillong, which could all be perceived as serious efforts to dismantle the Naga political issue, the Naga national movement rose from virtual ashes to what it is today,- necessitating the signing of two separate Ceasefire Agreements and an on-going political dialogue.
•    The argument here is that whether it was the Memorandum of 1929 submitted to the Simon Commission, or the 9-point Hydari Agreement, or declaration of Naga Independence on 14th August 1947, or the plebiscite of 1951, or formation of a Naga Independent Government in 1952, the steps so taken by the Naga national workers were not mere symbolic or propaganda stunts, but that all of this and many more steps so taken by them thereafter arose out of certain engrained political aspirations and inextinguishable convictions, which obviously cannot be satisfied by some half-hearted offer of what could be perceived as an appeasement gesture.
•    After six decades of this protracted issue, and a 13-year long ensuing dialogue, Delhi certainly needs to search deeper and come up with a solution package that goes beyond the status quo political box of what Nagaland already is today, to make a final resolution possible and honourable enough for the Naga national leaders and their Organisations to accept.

Outside the Box:
Short of Sovereignty, for example:
(i) A separate Constitution for Nagaland with some more special provisions is not an impossibility, since a precedence already exists in the case of J&K under , Article 370 of the Constitution.
(ii) Creation by Delhi of a greater Nagaland comprising contiguous Naga territories would be a mere revival and honouring of Clauses 12 and 13  of the 50-year old 16-Point Agreement. And, read together with the special provision made for  J&K in respect of territorial alteration of the State, it may be understood that the     Indian Parliament can bring this into effect under Article 3 of the Constitution  even without the specific approval of the concerned State Legislatures, provided   the requisite political will does exist.
(iii)  Increasing the seats in the State Legislature and enhancement of the State’s  representation in Parliament can surely be worked out.
(iv) A complete restoration, in spirit and letter, of Clause 11 of the 16-Point  Agreement, which got diluted since 1989-1990 and making it into law, would provide adequate scope for addressing the various financial, administrative and developmental needs of Nagaland as part of the special political package.

On this Side of the Table: The way Forward
People’s Confidence and Support:
Who are the support base, and for whom have the Naga National Organisations been fighting, now for six decades? Very simply, the Naga people. The people are the arms and legs of the national movement, and without their active support and participation, there can be no going forward. Can one suggest that articulation of open Naga public support and voice from all the Naga territories for taking the Naga political process forward was never more important than at this critical juncture? Such a public movement can come forth when the Naga national leaders and the organisations led by them can bolster Naga public confidence in them *as worthy national leaders on a united front,*through their more dignified conduct of national affairs, *and by effectively presenting to the Nagas everywhere a national vision, post-settlement, that is well-grounded, realistic and worth fighting for. ‘Historical and political rights of the Nagas’ is indeed the very foundation and reason for the entire political argument. But to keep reiterating it without simultaneously presenting a hard look at the circumstantial realities within which this could be articulated towards a realistically attainable Naga future, would instil little inspiration to common folks who have been used to long periods of waiting in hope that only ended up in deadlock, frustration and more violence. Let people have a good look at what can be theirs in reality.

The Unity Factor:
While dealing with such movements, it is seen that Delhi has shown the tendency to only accommodate strength and depth of the opposite party, and the usual tale has been to react with alacrity only when some crises situations develop. This is another strong reason why Naga unity on the issue is absolutely essential, which can only be brought about through the wise initiatives of the Naga national leaders.
The leaders alone know what precisely are their differences and how to resolve them among themselves. One’s humble view is that from the present position of reconciliation on the ‘historical and political rights of the Nagas’:
(i)    There should be a movement forwards, towards according to the present Naga national negotiators, the NSCN(IM), the mandate and endorsement of all the other groups to speak on behalf of the Nagas, after detailed internal discussions. The mandate given should be unconditional for the simple reason that neither the NSCN(IM) nor any other groups can possibly wrest a settlement from Delhi that is totally one-sided and that does not accommodate the genuine strategic and political concerns of Delhi.
(ii)    From a position of full endorsement, preferably, they could/should move forward to an arrangement of ‘coalition’ under whatever neutral name they decide upon, maintaining their individual identities, so that representatives from the other groups can also become official participants in the dialogue process, under NSCN(IM)’s leadership. This will ensure critical collective responsibility.
(iii)    Ideally, if they could merge together, under a single chain of command in all the departments of their organisations, such an integration will lend enormously to their own strength, generate more enthusiastic public support and open the way for much faster political as well as socio-economic healing in Nagaland.
(iv)    Leaders and cadres in the Naga national Organisations hail from different Naga tribes and Naga territories. Their demand for a greater Naga homeland is quite understandable. Is it not a tragic irony of history that an international boundary should run through the middle of a Naga Ahang’s house? We do not, however, hear a lot of voice or see much visible political initiative from the public and civil societies of those living outside of present Nagaland, making known their expressed desire to become part of a greater Nagaland. It seems the Naga national leadership and other Naga organisations have much more to initiate in this respect, if a final settlement is to be truly inclusive.

The Rule of Law:
The picture, perception and experience of Naga society during the last many years, until very recent times, have been one of unabated lawlessness,- marked by kidnappings, hijackings, killings, lootings, extortions, forcible land-grabbing, gun-point imposition of multiple ‘taxes’, throwing to the wind the rule of law, justice and human values, blatant scuttling of democratic values and norms,- indeed, quite a bloody, chaotic and violent time verging on near anarchy. True, criminal elements also exploited  the prevailing situation to their full advantage, bringing blame and discredit to the national organisations. Restoring public confidence and genuine respect for the national organisations and making Nagaland a well disciplined, peaceful and desirable destination is a huge challenge at this point in time. The image of Nagaland needs to be restored, reconstructed and re-projected. Then, perhaps, the Nagas of the neighbouring States might all become more enthusiastic and vocal in wanting to become part of a greater Nagaland. Theories, slogans and ideologies can inspire, but it would take character, morality and discipline in public life, vision and dedicated hard work to transform our land. All of us, together, can turn Nagaland into a homeland that we can be rightfully proud of.       

The News Source:

http://www.morungexpress.com/express_review/56180.html

Invitation

Dear friends,

Greetings from the Naga students Union -Bangalore and solidarity forum of the civil society organizations-Bangalore!

 This is an invite to a mini cultural festival,  a festival that will show case glimpses of the Naga peoples in their very rich diversity and focus also on the on the ongoing peace process that the Nagas are engaged in and are committed to.

 Living in Bangalore we are geographically and culturally cut off from the peoples in the seven states of the “North East”. This festival is an attempt to celebrate and affirm the commonality that we have as citizens and our commitment we have for the cause of peace.  In so doing we will work towards promotion of genuine values of participatory democracy. This festival will be the first of many that the civil society organisations in Bangalore are planning to organise. While affirming the cultural diversity of the Naga peoples we want to learn of their struggle, distinct political aspirations and desire for peace and see parallels with other parts of the country. Therefore the festival will also provide great opportunities to be in solidarity not merely with the Naga peoples but in our common search for justice, peace, democratic Governance and wellbeing of all people.

 Please join us on Saturday the 2nd of October, 2010 as we celebrate Gandhi Jayanthi, at the resource centre, St. Mark’s Cathedral, 1, St Marks Road, Bengaluru. The programme will begin at 10:00 AM.  The festival will include exhibitions and sale of Arts and crafts, ethnic food, cultural expressions and a brief panel discussion on the Naga issue.

Do come! Share this information with as many as possible.

Programme Schedule

“THE NAGA JOURNEY FOR PEACE”

VENUE: RESOURCE CENTRE, ST. MARKS’ CATHEDRAL, 1, ST. MARKS ROAD, BANGALORE- 560001

TIME: from 10:00AM onwards

At the Resource Centre- II floor

Time	Programme
10:00AM	Naga Cultural Programme and Music
10:45AM	Inauguration by Prof. U.R Ananthamurthy
11:45AM to 1:00PM	Panel Discussion On Indo-Naga peace process Chairperson: Ms. Madhu Bhushan A Naga perspective – Mr. Tokato A critical look at the Indo-Naga Peace Process, -                E. Deenadayalan Open discussions
1:00PM	↓SHIFT TO GROUND FLOOR
1:15PM	-         Photo Exhibition -         Display and sale of Naga Handicrafts and art work Screening of documentaries!
1:45PM	Lunch Break (kindly buy Lunch coupons )- Proceeds will go for the month long programme in October